The Australian Capital Territory, after its formation, was directly governed by the federal government. Gough Whitlam's government established an elected assembly for the ACT, like with the Northern Territory. However, unlike the Northern Territory, the ACT was not given self-government; the assembly retained mainly an advisory role.
In 1978, a referendum took place on the governing status of the ACT. Voters were offered three options. They could vote for the ACT to have self-government, with the same power the Northern Territory has. This would effectively remove the role for the Federal Government in the government of the ACT. They could vote for power to be shared between an elected local government body and the federal government. Or, they could vote for the status quo.
The result was a landslide for the status quo. Territorians did not like the idea of more politicians, and did not want to have the same funding arrangements as the states. The government respected the result, and the current arrangements were kept in place. The elected advisory Assembly was continued, but voter interest was low.
In 1988, however, the federal Labor government decided to introduce self-government unilaterally. Four pieces of legislation were passed by the Federal Parliament to introduce self-government. The government would be a minimalist one; there would be no representative of the Crown to give assent to legislation, dissolve the legislature or appoint a cabinet. Assent to legislation would be automatically given by passage through the legislature, legislatures would have fixed terms, and the Chief Minister would be elected by secret ballot in the legislature and would then appoint a cabinet.
One of the most controversial parts of the legislation was the electoral system for the legislature. The Labor Party wanted the same electoral system as used for the federal House of Representatives; preferential voting with single member districts. However, Labor did not have a majority in the Senate at the time, and needed Liberal/National or Australian Democrat support for the legislation.
Both parties, fearing that the ACT's homogeneous electoral geography would lead to Labor domination over the territory's government, blocked the legislation and demanded that the government introduce a proportional system. Labor, seeing this as inevitable, decided to go with a party-list system. The Australian Democrats didn't like this, though. Their status as a centrist party meant that they would be advantaged by preferential voting, and so they supported a system that would include preferences in a similar way to the single transferable vote. The Senate process merged the two systems, in a way that made a mess of both of them.
"Modified D'Hondt"
The resulting system was christened 'Modified D'Hondt'. It combined many of the key elements of the system used for the Senate, as well as party list proportional representation. These two have been combined before in Australia; South Australia used a hybrid of the two for elections to their upper house in the 1970s. Voters were permitted to number as many or as few parties as they wanted. Parties that failed to receive one-half of the Droop quota (about 4.16% of the vote) had their preferences distributed to parties that had hit that threshold. All seats were then distributed using the largest-remainder system and the Droop quota. However, the ACT system added a few more complicated features. I'll get right into the explanation.
Voting
Voting under Modified D'Hondt was a relatively simple process. The ballot paper was similar to that used for the Senate. There was a thick black line across the paper, with boxes for parties above the line and boxes for their candidates below. Voters voted by placing the number 1 in any box. That's all. They could number boxes for as many or as few candidates or parties as they wished, and they could number both parties and candidates (for example, you could vote 1 for John Smith, a Liberal candidate, 2 for the Labor Party box, and 3 for Jane Smith, a Green candidate).
Despite this, the informal rate was similar to the last federal House of Representative elections, where more preferences are required; it was speculated that this was due to people writing disparaging comments about the candidates on the ballot paper.
Counting
Counting was a more complicated process. It happened in stages. The first stage of counting was the simplest. All votes for a party or its candidates were counted and added up. The total of this was divided by 18 (the Droop quota; votes/seats+1). Parties that did not have this many votes were excluded from the count from this point on. This aspect of the law was controversial. Thresholds are fairly common under party-list systems, but at that point had only been used in South Australia under the aforementioned list system.
At the second stage, the preferences from the parties that had failed to meet the quota were distributed. So, if you had voted 1 Shooters 2 Liberal, and the Shooters had failed to meet the quota, your vote would now go to the Liberal Party. At this point, party and candidate votes were not distinguished between. Votes with no preferences outside a party (i.e 1 Shooters, 2 Robert Jones, who is a Shooters candidate) could be transferred according to the party voting ticket, which was a list of all the parties in ranked order. If there was preferences outside a party, but none of them were for a party that had met the quota, the vote was exhausted and set aside: it will not play any further role in the count.
At the third stage, the D'Hondt system was used to distribute seats to parties in the normal way, using vote totals determined through the preferences. These were not formal allocations, though. Under the electoral law, these were considered only 'provisional', for reasons to be explained later.
At the fourth stage, seats were provisionally allocated to candidates within parties, based on the number of seats the parties had been provisionally allocated. This was done using the single transferable vote to count the rankings voters made when they voted for parties. A vote above the line for a party counted as a vote down that party's ticket. An incomplete vote within a ticket would have its preferences counted as far as they had been expressed. Further preferences in that vote would be considered ticket votes. For this reason, few candidates were elected outside their party's order.
At the fifth stage, candidates who had not been provisionally elected, but who were part of parties who had won a quota, had their preferences distributed to the next candidate still in the count. Candidates were not 'excluded' per se; they could still have votes distributed back to them.
The sixth stage was effectively a repetition of the third. The D'Hondt system was used to distribute seats amongst the parties using the new, adjusted vote totals. It would be possible that the seat distribution would change at this stage. As could be expected, the seventh stage was a repetition of the fourth. The single transferable vote was used to distribute seats within parties, using the new votes. These seats were final.
At the third stage, the D'Hondt system was used to distribute seats to parties in the normal way, using vote totals determined through the preferences. These were not formal allocations, though. Under the electoral law, these were considered only 'provisional', for reasons to be explained later.
At the fourth stage, seats were provisionally allocated to candidates within parties, based on the number of seats the parties had been provisionally allocated. This was done using the single transferable vote to count the rankings voters made when they voted for parties. A vote above the line for a party counted as a vote down that party's ticket. An incomplete vote within a ticket would have its preferences counted as far as they had been expressed. Further preferences in that vote would be considered ticket votes. For this reason, few candidates were elected outside their party's order.
At the fifth stage, candidates who had not been provisionally elected, but who were part of parties who had won a quota, had their preferences distributed to the next candidate still in the count. Candidates were not 'excluded' per se; they could still have votes distributed back to them.
The sixth stage was effectively a repetition of the third. The D'Hondt system was used to distribute seats amongst the parties using the new, adjusted vote totals. It would be possible that the seat distribution would change at this stage. As could be expected, the seventh stage was a repetition of the fourth. The single transferable vote was used to distribute seats within parties, using the new votes. These seats were final.
Election results
The results below are votes for individual candidates, organised into parties. Please note that first preference votes cast for more than one candidate within a party have been counted as party votes. An asterisk (*) denotes elected candidates.
Votes | % | |
---|---|---|
Labor | 24587 | 17.33% |
Rosemary Follett* | 6654 | 4.69% |
Paul Whalan* | 321 | 0.23% |
Wayne Berry* | 90 | 0.06% |
Ellnor Grassby* | 90 | 0.08% |
Bill Wood* | 159 | 0.11% |
Di Ford | 33 | 0.02% |
Kevin Gill | 96 | 0.07% |
Anna Robieson | 40 | 0.03% |
Martin Atteridge | 40 | 0.03% |
Peta Beelen | 22 | 0.02% |
Barry Reid | 260 | 0.18% |
Total Labor | 32410 | 22.85% |
Liberal | 15526 | 10.94% |
Gary Humphries* | 3446 | 2.43% |
Trevor Kaine* | 1203 | 0.85% |
Robyn Nolan* | 70 | 0.05% |
Bill Stefinak* | 234 | 0.16% |
Greg Cornwell | 171 | 0.12% |
Lyle Dunne | 49 | 0.03% |
Peter Kobold | 90 | 0.06% |
Judith Dowson | 67 | 0.05% |
Peter Jansen | 86 | 0.06% |
Bob Winnel | 137 | 0.10% |
Total Liberal | 21079 | 14.86% |
No Self Government Party | 14125 | 14.86% |
Craig Duby* | 1657 | 1.17% |
Carmel Maher* | 55 | 0.04% |
David Prowse* | 54 | 0.04% |
David Prowse* | 54 | 0.04% |
John Taylor | 55 | 0.04% |
Norman Henry | 23 | 0.02% |
Peter Alabaster | 55 | 0.04% |
John Cunningham | 42 | 0.03% |
Chris Elworthy | 18 | 0.01% |
Elma Lindh | 14 | 0.01% |
Nev Aurousseau | 14 | 0.01% |
John Cantlon | 14 | 0.01% |
Ken Durie | 10 | 0.01% |
Bob Smythe | 31 | 0.02% |
Lindsay Sales | 11 | 0.01% |
Phillipa Meredith | 22 | 0.02% |
Jack Wight | 22 | 0.02% |
Yvonne Hammond | 44 | 0.03% |
Total No Self Government Party | 16274 | 11.47% |
Residents Rally | 8765 | 6.18% |
Bernard Collaery* | 1855 | 1.31% |
Norm Jensen* | 129 | 0.09% |
Michael Moore* | 301 | 0.21% |
Hector Kinloch* | 1696 | 1.20% |
Joan Kellett | 191 | 0.13% |
Chris Donohue | 142 | 0.10% |
Marion Le | 385 | 0.27% |
Kevin Giles | 77 | 0.05% |
Catherine Rossiter | 106 | 0.07% |
Total Residents Rally | 13647 | 9.62% |
Abolish Self Government Coalition | 9165 | 6.46% |
Dennis Stevenson* | 1327 | 0.94% |
Flo Grant | 36 | 0.03% |
Gladys Dickson | 15 | 0.01% |
Chris Tazreiter | 33 | 0.02% |
Nerolie Bush | 17 | 0.01% |
Geoff Dopel | 29 | 0.02% |
Trish Orton | 10 | 0.01% |
Gail Aiken | 20 | 0.01% |
Mike Trevethan | 35 | 0.02% |
Reg Hayward | 6 | 0.00% |
Colin Beaton | 15 | 0.01% |
John Hesketh | 23 | 0.02% |
Total Abolish Self Government Coalition | 10721 | 7.56% |
Abolish Self Government Coalition | 9165 | 6.46% |
Dennis Stevenson* | 1327 | 0.94% |
Flo Grant | 36 | 0.03% |
Gladys Dickson | 15 | 0.01% |
Chris Tazreiter | 33 | 0.02% |
Nerolie Bush | 17 | 0.01% |
Geoff Dopel | 29 | 0.02% |
Trish Orton | 10 | 0.01% |
Gail Aiken | 20 | 0.01% |
Mike Trevethan | 35 | 0.02% |
Reg Hayward | 6 | 0.00% |
Colin Beaton | 15 | 0.01% |
John Hesketh | 23 | 0.02% |
Total Abolish Self Government Coalition | 10721 | 7.56% |
Fair Elections Coalition | 1397 | 0.98% |
Tony Fleming | 5269 | 3.71% |
Alan Runciman | 494 | 0.35% |
Sara Kirchbaum | 94 | 0.07% |
Gordon McAllister | 19 | 0.01% |
Gus Petersilka | 345 | 0.24% |
Julie McCarron-Benson | 147 | 0.10% |
Total Fair Elections Coalition | 7765 | 5.47% |
Fair Elections Coalition | 1397 | 0.98% |
Tony Fleming | 5269 | 3.71% |
Alan Runciman | 494 | 0.35% |
Sara Kirchbaum | 94 | 0.07% |
Gordon McAllister | 19 | 0.01% |
Gus Petersilka | 345 | 0.24% |
Julie McCarron-Benson | 147 | 0.10% |
Total Fair Elections Coalition | 7765 | 5.47% |
Independent Haslem | 4253 | 3.00% |
John Haslem | 2548 | 1.80% |
Caryl Haslem | 66 | 0.05% |
Total Independent Haslem | 6867 | 4.84% |
ACT Community Party | 1645 | 1.16% |
Ken Fry | 3977 | 2.80% |
Dominic Mico | 142 | 0.10% |
Lorne Doyle | 13 | 0.01% |
Total ACT Community Party | 5777 | 4.07% |
Canberra First Party | 3774 | 2.66% |
Allan Nelson | 904 | 0.64% |
Beryl Byrnes | 29 | 0.02% |
John McMahon | 17 | 0.01% |
Jeff Brown | 74 | 0.05% |
Michael Apps | 18 | 0.01% |
Barry Brogan | 21 | 0.01% |
Jennie Booth | 8 | 0.01% |
Arthur Hetherington | 5 | 0.00% |
Elizabeth Apps | 16 | 0.01% |
Mike McColl | 31 | 0.02% |
Matt Campbell | 9 | 0.01% |
Garry Behan | 12 | 0.01% |
Total Canberra First | 3885 | 2.74% |
Family Team | 2929 | 2.06% |
Bev Cains | 686 | 0.48% |
Ron Gane | 26 | 0.02% |
Bill Fearon | 22 | 0.02% |
Dennis Meagher | 34 | 0.02% |
Drewe Just | 12 | 0.01% |
Total Family Team | 3885 | 2.74% |
Australian Democrats | 1720 | 1.21% |
Arminel Ryan | 515 | 0.36% |
Bill Mason | 47 | 0.03% |
Heather Jeffcoat | 68 | 0.05% |
Total Australian Democrats | 2350 | 1.66% |
National Party | 1477 | 1.04% |
David Adams | 380 | 0.27% |
Michael Mullins | 58 | 0.04% |
Bruce MacKinnon | 32 | 0.02% |
Total National Party | 1947 | 1.37% |
Sun Ripened Warm Tomato Party | 1165 | 0.82% |
Emile Brunoro | 453 | 0.32% |
Rick Kenny | 48 | 0.03% |
Total Sun Ripened Warm Tomato | 1666 | 1.17% |
Party!Party!Party! | 733 | 0.52% |
Amanda Call | 200 | 0.14% |
Shane McMillan | 46 | 0.03% |
Total Party!Party!Party | 979 | 0.69% |
Christian Alternative Party | 580 | 0.41% |
Nathan Stirling | 222 | 0.16% |
Bernadette Ibell | 44 | 0.03% |
Total Christian Alternative Party | 846 | 0.60% |
Socialist Workers Party | 483 | 0.34% |
Kristian Whittaker | 230 | 0.16% |
Total Socialist Workers Party | 713 | 0.50% |
Sleepers Wake | 120 | 0.08% |
John Bellamy | 53 | 0.04% |
Total Sleepers Wake | 173 | 0.12% |
Surprise Party | 124 | 0.09% |
C.J.Burns | 42 | 0.03% |
Total Surprise Party | 166 | 0.12% |
Disabled and Redeployed Workers Party | 106 | 0.07% |
Peter Burrows | 50 | 0.04% |
Derek Robinson | 7 | 0.00% |
Total Disabled and Redeployed Workers Party | 140 | 0.10% |
Tony Spagnolo Independent for Canberra | 75 | 0.05% |
Tony Spagnolo | 65 | 0.00% |
Total Tony Spagnolo Independent for Canberra | 140 | 0.10% |
A Better Idea | 64 | 0.05% |
Michael Scurfield | 16 | 0.01% |
Total A Better Idea | 80 | 0.06% |
Home Rule OK | 41 | 0.03% |
Tony Boye | 21 | 0.01% |
Total Home Rule OK | 62 | 0.04% |
Independent candidates | ||
Bill Mackey | 5686 | 4.01% |
Harold Hird | 1872 | 1.32% |
Lyall Gillespie | 522 | 0.37% |
Frank Crnkovic | 445 | 0.31% |
Bill Pye | 414 | 0.31% |
John Rocke | 149 | 0.11% |
Bob Reid | 121 | 0.09% |
Gary Pead | 75 | 0.05% |
Tony Boye | 60 | 0.04% |
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